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It was overwhelmingly these strata that absorbed the idea of the European nation as the motor force of history. Taught the history and character of the "great nations" of Europe, they began to work towards the idea of a nationalism of their own as the only ideology that could provide a basis for both the modernisation of their homelands and for mobilising a movement to win independence from the colonialists. The late Italian colonisation of Ethiopia awakened the intellectuals of the whole continent who took pride in the one independent black state that had hitherto defied colonialism. Despite the importance of the young proletariat's struggles from the first world war period onwards, this petit and bourgeois nationalism did not meet a serious proletarian political challenge. In the 1930s Stalinism helped to discredit communism in the eyes of the proto-nationalist opposition to colonialism. The selling of Soviet oil to fascist Italy during its war against Ethiopia and opposition to anti-colonial movements in the colonies of the "democratic" imperialisms helped minimise the impact of class politics. These two factors, the extreme weakness of the African bourgeoisie and the political nullity of "communism", opened the way for a petit-bourgeois nationalism with a non-class "socialistic" colouration.

Dec 01, 2007 · Leonard Goenaga

Developmental State in Africa - United Nations University
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Thinking About Developmental States in Africa Thandika Mkandawire

At the beginning of the imperialist epoch nationalism was weak in Latin America. The heroic years of 1808-26 when the Enlightenment and French revolution had inspired the national revolts against the Spanish, were now far behind them. These had created nation states but ones dominated by white creole elites and based on the export of agrarian goods. Urban classes in general were weakly developed and the masses of indigenous peasants were excluded from the new nations. By the end of the nineteenth century, the success of export trade stimulated the growth of the cities, creating a new middle class and a modern proletariat. These latter two classes, however, were excluded from the traditional patterns of authority and political representation. Further mass immigration from Europe, at the start of the twentieth century, increased the mass of those with little stake in the nation state.

Racism in the United States - Wikipedia

The South African revolution went through a similar conservatising process. After the revolutionary period of 1984-6, the leadership of the bourgeois nationalist ANC aimed to cut a deal with their white rulers. This project was boosted by the direct diplomacy of Gorbachev in the USSR after 1985. The total bankruptcy of bourgeois nationalism in both its conservative and its radical forms is now manifest. It falls to the proletariat and its peasant and urban poor allies to take up the struggle against imperialism. In doing so it has already been obliged to struggle for democratic rights against the nationalist regimes. They will have to present a revolutionary answer to all the unsolved debris of the imperialist Balkanisation of Africa, sorting out equitably and according to the wishes of its peoples, where they wish borders to be. They must put an end to privilege and oppression, transcend "tribalism" and outline a practical solution to the goal of African Unity in the form of a Socialist Federation of Sub-Saharan Africa.

One remarkable feature of the discourse on the state and development in Africa is the disjuncture between an analytical tradition ..
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Opposition to tradition is not so ..

The success of England's South African settler colony after the discovery of diamonds and gold led the way to the "scramble for Africa" from 1885 to 1896. The entire sub-Saharan continent was colonised, apart from Ethiopia. The Europeans' new colonies rarely if ever coincided either with previous kingdoms or the territory of tribal confederations. They had little or no linguistic or ethnic homogeneity. Their borders were rarely "natural frontiers"; rather they reflected agreements struck between the negotiators of the European powers—straight lines drawn on a map in Berlin in 1885 and at subsequent conferences. Yet, after 1945, these were to be the boundaries of the new nations of Africa. The colonial divisions drawn up in this way were only the beginning of the process of establishing the colonies. The traditional societies of Africa put up an heroic resistance to the white invaders. Momentary successes such as that of the Zulus over the British at Isandhlwana or the Mahdi at Khartoum were followed by larger and overwhelming forces. Nevertheless, revolts continued to occur well into the twentieth century.

modernity and the reinvention of tradition ..

Modern Asian nationalism, as a mass movement against oppression, was born in India and was to become a model for national movements throughout Asia and Africa. It came into being in 1885 in the form of the Indian National Congress. At first it was led by moderate leaders such as Naoroji, Bannerjea and Gokkale who sought to persuade the British to reform their rule. But there was always a militant wing too, that resorted either to mass actions (boycotts and demonstrations) or to individual terrorism. The first Congress leader to outline a policy of active resistance was B. J. Tilak, a fully modern nationalist inspired by Garibaldi and Mazzini of the Italian Unification movement. Increasingly, the Congress was driven by British intransigence to mobilise mass campaigns to achieve its aims, especially after Gandhi assumed a leading role during and after the first World War.

The Paradox of Tradition and Modernity in Female …

When the colonies were established, the best land was expropriated for European owned plantations or, in the more temperate zones, for European farmers using African labour. In the southern part of the continent, huge investment in mines rapidly created a proletariat, both of "poor white" immigrants and of black workers uprooted from the land. The latter grew steadily as a proportion of the workforce throughout the century whilst the white workers became a highly privileged labour aristocracy clinging fiercely to their racial privileges. Wherever, as in South Africa, the white settler population formed a sizeable minority, white racism became enshrined in a horrific legal framework not witnessed elsewhere except Nazi Germany. But, in the long run, such a political and social order, dependent on super-exploiting a huge and growing black proletariat, could not survive. Prosperity in the imperialist heartlands slowed the flood of white immigrants to a trickle. There was no chance of replacing the black population with a real white proletariat and the white population remained trapped in a colon situation—no matter how much repression they unleashed, the whites were steadily forced to create their own gravedigger in the factories and mines.