The Course of Liberalism Between 1789 and 1914 - fiat …
Volume 23, Number 4, December 2012
This major serves those who desire to teach in smaller school districts. A minimum of 26 semester hours in history, 15 in political science, and 12 psychology are required. In addition, students must complete the professional education program for secondary teaching as described in the “Education” section of the catalog.
The following courses are required:
HST/POL 490: Seminar
HST 422: Methods and Materials: Teaching History/Social Studies in the Secondary School
HST 103: History of Civilization I
HST 104: History of Civilization II
HST 260: Montana and the West
HST 311: History of Western America
Choose one of the following:
HST 303: Reformation, Absolutism, and Enlightenment Europe, 1500-1789
HST 304: The Age of Revolution Europe, 1789-1914
HST 313: Europe Since 1914
Choose two of the following:
HST 211: American History I
HST 212: American History II
HST 363: Recent America
HST 365: American Environmental History
Choose six semester hours of history electives.
POL 101: Introduction to Political Science
POL 203: American National, State, and Local Government
POL 321: History of Political and Social Thought
Choose six semester hours of upper-division political science electives.
PSY 101: General Psychology
PSY 206: Human Development II
Choose six semester hours of upper-division psychology electives.
The Modern World-System IV: Centrist Liberalism Triumphant, ..
REJECTION OF EGALITARIANISMIn rejecting democracy, Fascism rejects the absurd conventional lie of political equalitarianism, the habit of collective irresponsibility, the myth of felicity and indefinite progress.DEFINITION OF FASCISM AS REAL DEMOCRACYBut if democracy be understood as meaninga regime in which the masses are not driven back to themargin of the State, and then the writer of these pages hasalready defined Fascism as an organized, centralized, authoritariandemocracy.REJECTION OF ECONOMIC LIBERALISM - ADMIRATION OF BISMARCKFascism is definitely and absolutely opposed to the doctrines of liberalism, both in the political and the economic sphere. The importance of liberalism in the XIXth century should not be exaggerated for present day polemical purposes, nor should we make of one of the many doctrines which flourished in that century a religion for mankind for the present and for all time to come. Liberalism really flourished for fifteen years only. It arose in 1830 as a reaction to the Holy Alliance which tried to force Europe to recede further back than 1789; it touched its zenith in 1848 when even Pius IXth was a liberal. Its decline began immediately after that year. If 1848 was a year of light and poetry, 1849 was a year of darkness and tragedy. The Roman Republic was killed by a sister republic, that of France. In that same year Marx, in his famous Communist Manifesto, launched the gospel of socialism. In 1851 Napoleon III made his illiberal coup d'etat and ruled France until 1870 when he was turned out by a popular rising following one of the severest military defeats known to history. The victor was Bismarck who never even knew the whereabouts of liberalism and its prophets. It is symptomatic that throughout the XIXth century the religion of liberalism was completely unknown to so highly civilized a people as the Germans but for one parenthesis which has been described as the “ridiculous parliament of Frankfort " which lasted just one season. Germany attained her national unity outside liberalism and in opposition to liberalism, a doctrine which seems foreign to the German temperament, essentially monarchical, whereas liberalism is the historic and logical anteroom to anarchy. The three stages in the making of German unity were the three wars of 1864, 1866, and 1870, led by such "liberals" as Moltke and Bismarck. And in the upbuilding of Italian unity liberalism played a very minor part when compared to the contribution made by Mazzini and Garibaldi who were not liberals. But for the intervention of the illiberal Napoleon III we should not have had Lombardy, and without that of the illiberal Bismarck at Sadowa and at Sedan very probably we should not have had Venetia in 1866 and in 1870 we should not have entered Rome. The years going from 1870 to 1915 cover a period which marked, even in the opinion of the high priests of the new creed, the twilight of their religion, attacked by decadentism in literature and by activism in practice. Activism: that is to say nationalism, futurism, fascism.