Niccolo Machiavelli » The Prince

Such dominions are either ruled by a prince or live in Freedom.
Chapter 2: Hereditary Principalities
Fewer difficulties in ruling due to long bloodlines, princes and families are usually liked.

Niccolo Machiavelli, The Prince - History

The Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli. Searchable etext. Discuss with other readers.

The Machiavelli’s Prince Lesson - SlideShare


Became a diplomat in 1494 after the exile of the infamous Medici family.
After failed attempt to organize a militia against the return of the Medici's, Machiavelli was jailed and banished from politics
Shortly thereafter he authored
The Prince
Niccolo di Bernardo dei Machiavelli
Divided into 26 chapters
Each chapter addresses different key elements that one must take to properly and effectively conquer and rule a principality.

Niccolo Machiavelli's The Prince by on Prezi

The case of disarmament is an illustration of a larger differencebetween minimally constitutional systems such as France and fullypolitical communities such as the Roman Republic, namely, the statusof the classes within the society. In France, the people are entirelypassive and the nobility is largely dependent upon the king, accordingto Machiavelli's own observations. By contrast, in a fully developedrepublic such as Rome's, where the actualization of liberty isparamount, both the people and the nobility take an active (andsometimes clashing) role in self-government (McCormick 2011). Theliberty of the whole, for Machiavelli, depends upon the liberty of itscomponent parts. In his famous discussion of this subject inthe Discourses, he remarks,

Niccolo Machiavelli, 1469-1527 - The History Guide

Machiavelli then applies this general principle directly to the caseof France, remarking that “the people live securely(vivere sicuro) for no other reason than that itskings are bound to infinite laws in which the security of all theirpeople is comprehended” (Machiavelli 1965, 237). The law-abidingcharacter of the French regime ensures security, but that security,while desirable, ought never to be confused with liberty. This is thelimit of monarchic rule: even the best kingdom can do no better than toguarantee to its people tranquil and orderly government.

Niccolò Machiavelli (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)

Yet such a regime, no matter how well ordered and law-abiding,remains incompatible with vivere libero. Discussingthe ability of a monarch to meet the people's wish for liberty,Machiavelli comments that “as far as the … popular desire ofrecovering their liberty, the prince, not being able to satisfy them,must examine what the reasons are that make them desire beingfree” (Machiavelli 1965, 237). He concludes that a fewindividuals want freedom simply in order to command others; these, hebelieves, are of sufficiently small number that they can either beeradicated or bought off with honors. By contrast, the vast majority ofpeople confuse liberty with security, imagining that the former isidentical to the latter: “But all the others, who are infinite,desire liberty in order to live securely (viveresicuro)” (Machiavelli 1965, 137). Although the kingcannot give such liberty to the masses, he can provide the securitythat they crave:

Niccolo Machiavelli, 1469-1527 - History Guide

Machiavelli returns to this theme and treats it more extensively atthe end of the first Discourse. In a chapter intended to demonstratethe superiority of popular over princely government, he argues that thepeople are well ordered, and hence “prudent, stable andgrateful,” so long as room is made for public speech anddeliberation within the community. Citing the formula voxpopuli, vox dei, Machiavelli insists that